Who Would Pay for Online News? An Empirical Study on the Viability of the Subscription Model

By Hsiang Iris Chyi, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong
Introduction: Since the birth of the online medium, Internet news publishers have been
experimenting with various revenue models for their online operations to achieve
profitability: the subscription model, the advertising model, the transactional model,
and the bundled model. However, recent market research shows that many newspapers generated less
than $5 in online revenue per unit of circulation. By 1999, a survey of 64 online newspapers serving California, Texas, New York,
and Florida empirically examined the application of these models in the online news
industry (Chyi & Sylvie, 2001). That study reported quite an unenthusiastic response
to the subscription model. Back then, online advertising served as a revenue source
for almost 80 percent of the sites. Fewer than 20 percent adopted e-commerce and
pay-per-use models. But only three percent of those online news providers were
utilizing the subscription model and most said it would be unlikely or very unlikely to
charge for online news access within the next two years -- i.e. between 1999-2001.
While the fee -based WSJ.com has long served as a classic example for adopting the
subscription model, most online publishers believed that general-interest news sites
would find it difficult to do the same.
The real market development was somewhat surprising. Following the economic
downturn, by 2001, the “free to fee” trend suddenly took off. (For a detailed account
of such practices in the industry, check the website The End of Free at
theendoffree.com). The subscription model re-entered the agenda , and many online
publishers seemed to believe it’s time to start charging for the valuable information
they offer (Outing, 2002).
However, market researchers found little evidence that suggests users are ready
to pay. According to the results of a March 2002 consumer survey, 70 percent of
online adults cannot understand why anyone would pay for content online (Jupiter
Media Metrix, 2002). Another market study revealed that 71 percent of news site
users would go somewhere else because there are so many free sites available. In
addition, the sign-up rate for newspapers that are charging for online access range
from 0.2 to 2.6 percent of the print circulation (Borrell & Associates, 2001).
Little academic research directly tapped into the economic viability of the
subscription model. Findings of an exploratory focus group study showed that while
most participants ranked the Internet their No. 1 information source and were able to
identify many of its strengths and weaknesses as a news medium, they showed no
intent to pay (Chyi, 2002). To further understand users’ response to paid content, this
study attempts to address the following questions:
RQ1: How many users are actually paying for online news access? Why?
RQ2: How many users will be willing to pay for online news access in the future?
Why?
RQ3: What is the relationship between income and the consumption of paid
content online?
RQ4: What other factors (demographics, usage) influence people’s paying intent?
RQ5: What is the general public’s preference for a particular format (online vs.
print)? Why?
RQ6: Is format preference related to paying intent?
Methodology
A random-sample telephone survey of 853 Hong Kong residents was conducted
during November 13-17, 2002 to investigate the general public’s response to online
news.
Hong Kong -- with the highest Internet penetration in Greater China -- is also
one of the most wired cities in Asia. As of 2002, 54% of people aged 10 or over had
used a personal computer and 48% had used Internet services during the previous 12
months (Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department, 2003). Hong Kong also has
the highest newspaper penetration in the region. About 20 daily newspapers remain
active in the market. At the end of 2002, 18 media websites provided online news
services -- 12 were operated by newspapers and six by TV or radio stations. Faced
with the economic viability issue, online publishers in Hong Kong seem relatively
radical when compared with their counterparts elsewhere in experimenting with the
subscription model. Six online news sites are charging (local or overseas) users for
access to at least some parts of the site.
Traditional & Online Media Use
Of all respondents, 97 percent watched TV on a daily basis. 1 On average, a TV
viewer spent more than 2.5 hours watching TV per day. (The median was 2 hours.)
About 89 percent of all respondents read the newspaper, and the average time for
newspaper reading was 57 minutes per day. (The median was 45 minutes.)
In terms of computer use, 63 percent of all respondents aged 15 or above used a
personal computer at home or work on a weekly basis. Computer users rated their
computer savvyness using an 11-point scale (with 0 being not familiar at all, and 10
being extremely familiar), and the mean was 5.6.
Future Paying Intent
Online news users who were not currently subscribing to paid content were
asked to estimate the possibility of subscribing to such content in the future (n=375).
The results also were not very promising. Some 43 percent said it was “unlikely” that
they would pay for online news in the future, while 38 percent said “very unlikely.”
Only 1.3 percent answered “very likely” and 21 percent said “likely.”
An open-ended question probed the reasons for the lack of paying intent:
Nearly 40 percent of those without future paying intent indicated that free alternative
news services exist -- 29 percent mentioned traditional news media and 10 percent
mentioned other online news services. A long the same line, 17 percent said they
would not need such services. Another 17 percent said price was a factor damping
their willingness to pay.
Among those who said they might be willing to pay in the future, the reasons
cited include: “if I have such needs” (21%) and “if the price is reasonable” (15%).
Results:
Overall, the study showed that most online users were not paying for online
news and did not show strong intent to pay in the future, suggesting that the
subscription model is not working and may not work well in the future. The results
correspond with the trend identified in U.S.-based studies using site-centric
approaches (Borrell & Associates, 2001). As the lack of paying intent looks like a
global phenomenon, online publishers worldwide should exert caution when
implementing the subscription model.
The analysis identified no relationship between paying intent and income, gender,
education, or computer knowledge but showed a slight correlation with age . In
addition, time spent online and format preference was also related to paying intent.
These findings carry a few implications.
First, although younger respondents and heavy Internet users were more likely to
pay for online news access, even among the youngest age group or the heaviest online
users, still more than 60 percent reported no intent to pay in the future. Online
publishers should bear this in mind when evaluating the viability of the subscription
model.
Second, regarding format preferences, compared with the print edition, the
online newspaper was clearly less preferred. Answers to the follow -up, open-ended
question also revealed why users preferred different formats. As format preference is
also related to payin g intent, how to change that format preference might imply the
possibility for increasing paying intent. However, while respondents who preferred
the print format seemed able to cite some diverse reasons for their preference for the
print format, those who preferred the online format failed to mention anything other
than “convenience.” It seems that Internet-specific features such as “timeliness,”
“interactivity,” and “searchable databases” were not perceived as important even in
those online lovers’ minds. One cannot rule out the possibility that the online newspaper simply cannot serve
as a profit center like its print counterpart on an equal basis -- by generating
subscription-based revenues from the local market. For the time being, online
advertising still seems like a relatively effective and low -risk revenue driver. However,
if the effectiveness of online advertising still remains questionable, in the longer term,
online publishers might need to reposition their online product accordingly -- as a
complimentary service for readers or as a showcase of its brand name.
Theoretically, this study serves as another step to examine the unique economic
nature of online news. While buying a copy of the print newspaper is not a big deal
for most consumers, what makes them so reluctant to pay for online content? As
results showed that income is not a factor determining paying intent, subjective or
attitudinal variables seem of great importance. Further investigation into the
economics of online news should take these variables into account. On the other hand,
the lack of relationship between income and paying intent provides preliminary
support for the “online news as inferior goods” hypothesis, which should be further
explored with more empirical evidence.

IS ONLINE NEWS AN INFERIOR GOOD?

IS ONLINE NEWS AN INFERIOR GOOD?

EXAMINING THE ECONOMIC NATURE OF ONLINE NEWS AMONG USERS

By Professor Hsiang Iris Chyi and PhD student Mengchieh Jacie Yang

Published in JOURNALISM & MASS COMMUNICATION QUARTERLY

Introduction: With the unprecedented emergence of the Internet as a powerful news medium, fears of the dinosaur's fate have been dominating print medium since the late 1990s. (Nguyen, A. 2003) In U.S.A the number of people getting news online has been growing while print circulation of news paper keeps dropping. Thats why, Many people beleive that future of news is online.

But evidence suggests print newspapers still account for more than 90% of total newspaper revenue and users do not perceive online news favorably. They prefer print newspaper to online news.  

To better understand the user’s response to online news, this study goes beyond descriptive research and takes a theory-driven, inter-disciplinary approach. The goal is to explore the economic concept of “inferior goods” and its applicability to the consumption of online news.

Inferior Goods: In microeconomics Terms, when income increases, the demand for an inferior good decreases; when income decreases, the demand for an inferior good increases, other things being equal. whether a product is an inferior good is determined by the relationship between income and demand, not by the quality of the good. But on the other hand,“Normal goods,” are characterized by a positive relationship between income and demand. When income increases, the demand for normal goods also increases.

To determine whether a good is an inferior/normal good, the relationship between income and demand must be measured by the income elasticity of demand, which is calculated as the percentage change in quantity demanded divided by the percentage change in income. When the income elasticity of demand for a good is negative, the good is an inferior good.

For example, macaroni and cheese, Ramen noodles, potatoes, rice, and bus travel ticket are inferior goods. Therefore, inferior goods often are perceived as of lesser quality when compared with alternatives that are normal goods.

One rare example of inferior goods cited in a media economics textbook is the black-and-white TV set. In the early 1970s, an increase in income would have contributed to poor families replacing their black-and-white televisions with the color receiver, bringing a decline in demand for black-and-white TV sets. But most media products are assumed to be normal goods. A recent article in the New York Times discussed a 9% decline in DVD sales in the third quarter of 2008 in the context of the economic crisis negatively affecting consumer income.

In communication research, the Theoretical Framework Principle of Relative Constancy proposed by McCombs in the 1970s states that total media expenditures by consumers and advertisers will increase or decrease proportionally according to national income. This theory assumes that aggregate income and media consumption are positively correlated.

This study ( Study of Professor Hsiang Iris Chyi and PhD student Mengchieh Jacie Yang) tested hypothesis, which states: As income increases, the consumption of online news decreases, other things being equal.

H1: When income increases, online news use decreases—controlling for demographics (gender, age, education) and news interest.

H2: When income increases, online news use decreases—controlling for demographics (gender, age, education),news interest, and other news media use (newspaper, TV news, and radio news).

Methodology: Data used in this study were collected by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, a U.S.-based non-profit organization conducting regular national surveys on public use of and attitudes toward online and traditional news media. The Pew Research Center releases survey data six months after its reports are issued and makes the data available to scholars for research purposes.The dataset used in this study is from the Biennial Media Consumption Survey conducted from April 19 to May 12, 2004.

 Sampling was based on standard list-assisted random digital dialing (RDD), ensuring an equal chance for every phone number to be included. The overall sample size is 3,000.

Online news use was measured by asking those who spent time reading news online yesterday this question:

About how much time did you spend reading news online yesterday?

(1) Less than five minutes

(2) Five to less than ten minutes

(3) Ten to less than fifteen minutes

(4) Fifteen to less than twenty minutes

(5) Twenty to less than thirty minutes

(6) Thirty minutes to less than one hour

(7) One hour or more

(8) Don’t know/Refused

Income was measured by pre-tax total family income from all sources. Control variables include gender,age, education, news interest,45 and other news media use.

After analysis H1 and H2 are supported. It suggesting that online news is an inferior good. To move one step further, the analysis explored the relationship between income and print newspaper use whether an increase in income would increase or decrease print newspaper use, other things being equal.

Discussion

This analysis, based on data collected by the Pew Research Center in 2004, identified a negative relationship between income and online news consumption: When income increases, online news use decreases; when income decreases, online news use increases, other things (demographics, news interest, and/or other news media use) being equal—suggesting that online news is an inferior good among users. In contrast, the print newspaper is a normal good.

Such findings, at first glance, may surprise media scholars as well as online news professionals. After all, in communication research, no news products have been labeled as inferior goods before. In addition, major U.S. media companies have invested heavily in their online ventures, offering an array of interactive features and multimedia content—most of which are unattainable by print newspapers. It is therefore difficult to understand why online news could be an inferior good. Yet, from an economic perspective, “goods are what are thought of as goods.” Any product’s economic nature is determined by consumer perception and response. Based on this particular data set, which consists of survey responses collected from a national sample of online news users by a major polling institution in 2004, online news is an inferior good among users.

The finding carries important theoretical and practical implications.

when examining the relationship between traditional and new media offerings, media scholars should take into account the economic nature of individual products. Because many readers use the online and print versions of newspapers simultaneously, a number of scholars conclude that online and print newspapers are complementary goods.

But This study suggests that they complement each other not as two normal goods but as a combination of an inferior good and a normal good.

APPLICATIONS FOR IRAN:

We can apply above method in Iranian society also for answering the  question: IS ONLINE NEWS AN INFERIOR GOOD IN IRAN ? At the same time we can try give a answer to a follow-up question: WHAT MAKES ONLINE NEWS AN INFRERION GOOD.  

  Reference: Nguyen, A. (2003). The current status and potential development of online news consumption: a structural approach. First Monday, 8(9). Retrieved 29 March, 2006 from http://www.firstmonday.org/issues/issue8_9/nguyen/.

Pew Internet & American Life Project : A study on Older Adults and Social Media

The Pew Internet Project

The Pew Internet Project is an initiative of the Pew Research Center, that provides information on the issues, attitudes and trends shaping America and the world. The Project studies the social impact of the internet.

 The Project fielded its first survey about the general role of the internet and email in people’s lives in March 2000.

In its early days the Project team decided to focus their work on two strains of research. First the Project would monitor basic online activities: Who was using the internet? What were they doing? Second, the Project would focus research on several dimensions of social life that were not much studied by other firms: How was people’s internet use affecting their families, communities, health care, educational pursuits, civic and political life, and workplace activities?

The Project’s reports are based on nationwide random phone surveys, online surveys, and qualitative research. This data collection is supplemented with research from government agencies, technology firms, academia, and other expert venues. The Project releases 15-20 pieces of research a year, varying in size, scope, and ambition.

A  study on Older Adults and Social Media by Pew Internet Project

Introduction: While social media use has grown dramatically across all age groups, older users have been especially enthusiastic over the past year about embracing new networking tools. Social networking use among internet users ages 50 and older nearly doubled—from 22% in April 2009 to 42% in May 2010.

• Between April 2009 and May 2010, social networking use among internet users ages 50-64 grew by 88%--from 25% to 47%.
• During the same period, use among those ages 65 and older grew 100%--from 13% to 26%.
• By comparison, social networking use among users ages 18-29 grew by 13%—from 76% to 86%.

Young adults continue to be the heaviest users of social media, but their growth pales in comparison with recent gains made by older users. Email is still the primary way that older users maintain contact with friends, families and colleagues, but many older users now rely on social network platforms to help manage their daily communications.

• One in five (20%) online adults ages 50-64 say they use social networking sites on a typical day, up from 10% one year ago.
• Among adults ages 65 and older, 13% log on to social networking sites on a typical day, compared with just 4% who did so in 2009.

At the same time, the use of status update services like Twitter has also grown—particularly among those ages 50-64. One in ten internet users ages 50 and older now say they use Twitter or another service to share updates about themselves or see updates about others.

Methodology

All data was collected by  telephone interviews between April 29 and May 30, 2010, among a sample of 2,252 adults, age 18 and older. Interviews were conducted in English.  A combination of landline and cellular random digit dial (RDD) samples was used to represent all adults in the continental United States who have access to either a landline or cellular telephone.  For results based on the total sample, one can say with 95% confidence that the error attributable to sampling and other random effects is plus or minus 2.4 percentage points.  For results based Internet users (n=1,756), the margin of sampling error is plus or minus 2.7 percentage points.  In addition to sampling error, question wording and practical difficulties in conducting telephone surveys may introduce some error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.

عنوان پژوهش

The benefits of Facebook friends: Social capital and

college students' use of online social network sites.

این پژوهش در دانشکده مطالعات اطلاعات و رسانۀ دانشگاه میشیگان توسط الیسان، استاینفیلد و لمپ انجام گرفت. این پژوهش روابط بین استفاده فیسبوک و شکلگیری و نگهداری سرمایه اجتماعی را بررسی کرد.

فیسبوک، یک سایت ارتباطی اجتماعی که همه می نواند عضو آن شود و با دیگران ارتباط برقرار کند. اعضای این سایت می تواند با هم یک گروه مجازی تشکیل دهد یا از هم دیگر کمک بگیرد. اعضای سایت فیسبوک برای خودشان بخش معرفی دارد. اعضای فیسبوک جستجو برای دوستان قدیمی انجام می دهد و دوستان مدرسه ای را هم پیدا می کنند. نه فقط دوستان قدیم بلکه دوستان جدید را هم برای خود انتخاب می کنند. یک نتیجه در باره فیسبوک نشان می دهد که اعضای فیسبوک بیشتر دنبال دوستان قدیم هستند.

فیسبوک در سال 2004 ایجاد شده و براساس آمار سال 2007 بیش از 21 میلیون عضو داشت و هر روز 1.6 میلیارد صفحه بازدید می شد.

بیشتر تحقیقاتی که تا حالا انجام شده است، در باره امنیت اطلاعات شخصی ابراز نگرانی کرده است.

سرمایه اجتماعی

سرمایه اجتماعی را می‌توان مجموعه‌ای از ارزش‌ها یا هنجارهای غیررسمی مشترک میان گروهی از افراد دانست که با یکدیگر همکاری می‌کنند. اگر اعضای این گروه انتظار داشته باشند که همگی رفتار معقول و صادقانه‌ای داشته باشند، آنگاه به یگدیگر اعتماد خواهند داشت. اعتماد همانند نیرویی است که باعث می‌شود هر سازمان یا گروهی به شکل کارآمدتر فعالیت‌ کند .مفهوم سرمایه اجتماعی دیر زمانی نیست که به عرصه علوم اجتماعی وارد شده است اما با سرعت چشم‌گیر و قابل ملاحظه‌ای گسترش یافته است.. سرمایه اجتماعی در معنای مدرن خود ابتدا در سال 1916 در نوشته‌های "هانیفان" (Hanifan) سرپرست وقت مدارس ویرجینای غربی در آمریکا به کار رفت. این سرمایه‌ی ناملموس بسیاری از امور زندگی‌ روزانه مردم مانند حق کسب و کار، معاشرت، هم‌فکری و همدردی و داد و ستد اجتماعی میان افراد و خانواده‌ها که واحدهای اجتماعی را می سازند در برمی‌گیرد. وی سرمایه اجتماعی را حاصل ظرفیت های بالقوه ای می داند که برای بهبود اساسی شرایط زندگی اجتماعی کفایت می‌کند.

اینترنت و سرمایه اجتماعی

اینترنت برای هر دو یعنی افزایش و کاهش سرمایه اجتماعی تاثیرگذار است. دیدگاه اول در خصوص اینکه اینترنت سرمایه اجتماعی را کاهش می‌دهد، بحث می‌کند. این نظریه معتقد است که این پدیده ممکن است افراد را از کنش‌های حقیقی‌شان در بطن جامعه منحرف کند؛ چرا که تعاملات آنلاین نسبت به تعاملات رودررو و حتی تماس‌های تلفنی ذاتاً در رده دوم یا پایین‌تر قرار می‌گیرد.

در روابط آنلاین، احتمال و امکان افزایش و انسجام دوستی میان افراد ضعیف‌تر از روابط آفلاین است. همانگونه که رابرت پوتنام زمانی به "بری ولمن"( Barry Wellman) گفت: "به نظر من نگاه شما نسبت به این باور که شبکه‌های فردی صرفاً به همان خوبی شبکه‌های خانگی‌اند، بسیار خوشبینانه است". این امکان وجود دارد که اینترنت از نقطه نظر زمانی با دیگر فعالیت‌های تغییرناپذیر 24 ساعته در رقابت است، اما یافته‌های مختلفی در این خصوص که صرف زمان بر روی آنلاین، افراد را از دیگر تعاملات در داخل و خارج از خانه باز می‌دارد، وجود دارد. برخی محققین چون نی و اربرینگ با این نظر موافق و برخی دیگر نظیر ترسی و اندرسون مخالف آن هستند.

اینترنت می‌تواند توجه افراد را از محیط ‌های فیزیکی ضروری در زمانی که آنها آنلاین هستند، دور کند. برخی از محققین، تأثیر اینترنت را با نفوذ و تأثیر تلویزیون در زندگی آمریکای شمالی یکسان می‌دانند. آنها معتقدند که تلویزیون نیز همانند اینترنت از تأثیر گذاری مشابهی برخوردار است به نحوی که تعاملات اجتماعی، خانوادگی و جنبش سیاسی یا اجتماعی خارج از خانه را کاهش می‌دهد. این در حالی است که تلویزیون شباهت مشخصی با اینترنت که از نقطه ‌نظر اجتماعی تعاملی است، ندارد .اینترنت ممکن است عامل به‌وجود آورنده استرسی باشد که افراد را در تعامل با دیگران گریزان و افسرده می‌سازد.

از طرف دیگر هیجان اولیه و مداوم درخصوص اینترنت، این پدیده را به عنوان عامل اصلی تغییر مثبت در زندگی افراد به‌واسطه خلق فرم‌های جدیدی از تعامل آنلاین و افزایش دهنده‌ی روابط آفلاین است. اینترنت، به واسطه ایجاد و مهیا کردن مکان ملاقاتی برای افراد با سلیقه‌های مشترک و غلبه بر محدودیت‌های زمانی و مکانی، به اصلاح جامعه می‌پردازد. جوامع آنلاین، گفتمان دموکراتیک و آزاد را گسترش داده‌، ‌دیدگاه‌های چندگانه را مجاز دانسته‌اند و کنش گروهی را فعال می‌سازند.

با وجود اینکه گزارش‌های اخیر بر ساختار جوامع مجازی آنلاین تمرکز می‌کند، بدیهی است که بیشتر روابطی که در سایبر اسپیس (فضای مجازی) شکل گرفته در فضای فیزیکی تداوم ‌یافته است و منجر به پیدایش فرم‌های جدیدی از جامعه می‌شود. این روند با ترکیبی از تعاملات آنلاین وآفلاین مشخص و قابل توصیف است.

علاوه بر این، تعاملات آنلاین، شکاف‌های ارتباطات رودررو را افزایش می‌دهد و تمایل به برقراری روابط و ارتباطات غیرمحلی را به‌واسطه ماشین‌ها، هواپیماها، تلفن‌ها و شبکه‌های کامپیوتری بیشتر می‌کند.

این پدیده، ارتباطات آفلاین و آنلاین را افزایش داده است و فرصت‌هایی برای تماس دوستان و خویشان با هزینه کمتر ارائه می‌کند. ارتباط تلفنی را در زمانی که اعضاء شبکه از نیازهای یکدیگر مطلع شده‌اند، افزایش داده است و روابط ها را به‌واسطه تماس بیشتر تقویت می‌کند. به کمک چنین پدیده‌ای افراد می‌توانند آهنگ‌ها، تصاویر، فیلم و... را مبادله کنند و به تعیین قرار ملاقات و تماس‌های تلفنی با یکدیگر مبادرت کنند. می‌توانند با تسهیل جریان اطلاعات، مشارکت سازمانی را افزایش دهند. کثرت اطلاعات موجود در وب و سهولت استفاده از موتورهای جستجوگر و لینک‌های اطلاعاتی در راستای معرفی و ارائه اطلاعات متناسب با علائق فرد، مشارکت افراد جدید به‌ عنوان کاربر در تشکیلات و سازمان‌ها را امکان پذیر می‌سازد؛ از این رو، اگر استفاده بیش از حد از این پدیده در آفلاین، ارتباطات بین فردی و مشارکت سازمانی به اتفاق تعهد اجتماعی بیشتر شود، می‌توان گفت اینترنت سرمایه اجتماعی را افزایش می‌دهد.

براساس این نظر که اینترنت سرمایه اجتماعی را افزایش می دهد، در این پژوهش دوتا فرضیه اصلی انتخاب شد.

یک- بین افزایش ارتباط در میان همفکران یا همگروهان و مدت استفاده از فیسبوک رابطه دارد که باعت افزایش سرمایه اجتماعی می شود.

دو- بین افزایش ارتباط در میان ناهمگن و مدت استفاده از فیسبوک رابطه دارد که باعت افزایش سرمایه اجتماعی می شود.

روش

800 دانشجو از دانشجویان دانشگاه میشیگان به طور تصادفی انتخاب شد و به همه ایمیل زده شد. از 800 نفر فقط 286 نفر در تحقیق شرکت کردند و جواب دادند. از این 286 نفر 34 در صد پسر و 64 در دختر بودند. این پژوهش در سال 2006 انجام گرفت.

در این پژوهش سوالهای زیادی مثل سن،جنس، ایالت، مدت وصل بودن در اینترنت در روز، مدت کار کردن در فیسبوک در روز، تعداد دوست در فیسبوک، تعداد دوستان فیسبوک که در دانشگاه میشیگان تحصیل می کند، تعداد دوستان قدیم که توسط فیسبوک با آنها دوباره ارتباط برقرار شد، کجا زندگی می کنید: در خوابگاه یا خانه، احساس در باره دانشگاه خود و غیره.

نتیجه: هر دو فرضیه اصلی ثابت شد.

• در ایران بدون کمک سرورهای پروکسی، سایت فیسبوک باز نمی شود. اگر نه مثل جا های دیگر اینجا هم استفاده کننده فیسبوک خیلی زیاد می بود و این نوع پژوهش در ایران هم قابل انجام بود. اما باید اعتراف کرد که با وجود مانع هم تعداد زیادی از ایرانیها عضو فیسبوک هستند.

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