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تیپشناسی روزنامه های آنلاین بنگلادش
بسمه تعالی
تیپشناسی روزنامه های آنلاین بنگلادش
مقدمه: استفاده از اینترنت به ویژه استفاده از وب سایت ها در سراسر جهان درحال افزایش است و اینترنت آن چنان با زندگی روزمرۀ افراد پیوند خورده که جدایی از آن امری اجتناب ناپذیر است. در فضای مجازی میلیون ها وب سایت فعال هست و این وب سایتها هم تیپ های خاص خودشان را دارا است. در این مقاله در باره روزنامه های آنلاین بنگلادش یک تیپشناسی انجام خواهیم داد.
روزنامه آنلاین: روزنامه آنلاین، روزنامه ای است که مطالب یا صفحات آن بر روی یک شبکه جهانی یا روی اینترنت است. محتویات چنین روزنامه به جای چاپ بر روی کاغذ، فقط به صورت فایل های کامپیوتری در دوره های زمانی معینی در یک شبکه اطلاع رسانی متصل به اینترنت قرار می گیرد و مخاطبان چنین نشریاتی می توانند صفحات روزنامه را روی صفحه نمایش کامپیوتر خود ببینند و یا آن را روی کاغذ چاپ کرده و سپس مطالعه کنند. اتصال به شبکه اطلاع رسانی مورد نظر ممکن است از طریق اینترنت یا در یک شبکه داخلی (اینترانت) صورت پذیرد (ببرلی جی هوپ، 2004). البته بعضی از روزنامه های آنلاین، خودشان نسخه چاپی را هم به بیرون می دهند. اکثر روزنامه هایی که قبلاً فقط روی کاغذ چاپ می شد، در حال حاضر در کنار نسخه چاپی، نسخۀ آنلاین دارند
تعداد روزنامه های آنلاین در بنگلادش هم دارد روز به روز زیادتر می شود. بعضی از این روزنامه هایی آنلاین پس از هر اتفاقات محلی، ملی و جهانی بلافاصله به روز می شود و در نقطه های مختلف کشور بنگلادش گزارشگر دارند. هر موقع خبر یا اطلاع مهم به دست مسئولان می رسد، به روز می شود. بر اساس آمار سایت آنلاین نیوزپیپر در بنگلادش 130 روزنامۀ آنلاین دارد. از آنها حدود 10 تا روزنامه، دارای تعداد زیادی از بازدیدکننده است.
در لیست صد سایت برتر از لحاظ تعداد بازدیدکننده در بنگلادش در سایت آلسکا، نام چند تا سایت روزنامه آنلاین به چشم می خورد. در آن لیست ، اولین روزنامه آنلاینی که به چشم می خورد، پرتوم الو دات کام است، این سایت بر اساس لیست آلیکسا، هفتمین سایت پر بازدیدکننده در بنگلادش و دو هزار دویست و هشتاد چهارمین سایت پر بازدیدکننده در کل جهان است. روزنامه بی دی نیوز 24 یک روزنامه آنلاین دیگر است که در لیست آلکسا، دهمین سایت پر بازدیدکننده در بنگلادش و سه هزار پانصد و نود و هفتمین سایت پر بازدیدکننده در کل جهان است.
چون این مقاله ظرفیت تحث تحلیلی همه روزنامه های آنلاین بنگلادش را فراهم نمی کند، ما فقط در باره آن دو سایت ذکر شده، تحلیل انجام خواهیم داد.
برای تحلیل سایت حداقل دو فضایی متفاوت باید بررسی شود. یک- بررسی قابلیت های برنامه سایت که به ظرفیت های نرم افزاری و امکانات برنامه ای سایت توجه می کند. دو- در نگاه دوم متن های و پیوند های سایت که اطلاعات در دسترس و در ارتباط با سایت را که از تنوع نوشتاری، صوتی و تصویری برخوردار است، مورد بررسی قرار می دهد.( عاملی، 1385) در اینجا تمرکز اصلی ما بر امکانات فنی نرم افزاری سایت ها نیست، بلکه تلاش اصلی بر بررسی محتوای مطالب سایتها و قابلیت تعامل سایت با کاربران هدف می باشد. بر اساس معیارهای 12 گانه که ترکیبی است از نگاه دکتر سعید رضا عاملی، آلتر اسمیت ، نیکالو جورج دراگولانسکو و آجیوروف و وولفرام منعکس می گردد، ارزیابی دو روزنامه آنلاین معروف بنگلادش که بالا نامش ذکر شده است، انجام خواهیم داد.
صحیح بودن اطلاعات
در باره صحت مطالب عنوان شده در این دو سایت تردیدی وجود ندارد و به طور کلی مندرج در این سایت چند بخش است. خبر، گزارش و مقاله های زیادی بدون نقض روی صفحه گذاشته می شود. بیشتر اطلاعات مستند است و اعتبار و صحت مطالب تایید می شود.
اعتبار نویسندگان سایت
اسامی همه نویسندگان در این دو سایت ذکر نمی شود. اما در سایت بی دی نیوز 24 خود نخست وزیر بنگلادش و نویسندگان مشهور کشورهم مقاله می نویسد. نویسندگان بخش مقاله، همه شان مشهور هستند و در کشور اعتبار پیدا کردند. مطالب این سایتها نشان می دهد که گزارشگر و دبیران در بخشهای خبر، دارای مهارت بالایی را دارا است. اما اگر این سایتها بخشی تحت عنوان "در باره ما" می داشت و اسامی همه دست اندرکاران را می نوشت، اعتبار همه نویسندگان را می شد ارزیابی کرد.
چگونگی پوشش مطالب
چون اینها سایت خبری هست، انتظار می رود همه خبر مهم روی صفحه داشته باشد. هر دو سایت این انتظار را به خوبی برآورده می کنند. البته کمبود هم احساس می شود. در باره دین هیچ بخشی وجود ندارد. در حالی که 85 در صد مردم بنگلادش مسلمان هستند و بر اساس نظر سنجی ها بیشتر مردم کشور دین اسلام را خیلی اهمیت می دهند. لازم به ذکر است، سایت روزنامه آنلاین پرتوم الو فقط هفته ای یک بار مطالب در مورد زندگی و اسلام منتشر می کنند.
به روز بودن اطلاعات
زمانی که یک سایت به عنوان روزنامه آنلاین را به دوش می کشد، مهمترین ارزش خبری برای آن تازگی و به روز بودن است. پس چون هر دو سایت مورد تحلیل، روزنامه آنلاین است، انتظار می رود اخبار درج شده در صفحات این سایتها به روز و تازه باشد. البته هر دو سایت، همیشه در حال به روز کردن خبرها هستند. هر موقع خبر جدید می رسد، آنها با ذکر تاریخ و منابع در صفحه اول نمایش می دهد و مطالب قبلی را به پایین صفحه می فرستد. و بلاخره مطالب کهنه به آرشیو می پیوندند. هر دو سایت 24 ساعته مشغول به روز کردن خبرها هست.
تراکم و جامعیت مطالب
اخبار مطرح شده در سایت از تراکم موضوعی برخوردار است و در این مورد دسته بندی های موضوعی مشخص به صورت پیوند وجود دارد و توسط جستجوگر سایت هم می توان به دستبندی از اخبار رسید. مقدار زیادی از تبلیغات و آگهی وجود دارد که یک جنبۀ منفی این دو سایت است. بیشتر تبلیغات در باره فروش موبایل و آپارتمان ها هست که با محتوای سایت سازگار نیست.
تعاملی بودن سایت
تعدادی عناصری که نشان از خصیصه تعاملی بودن دارد در صفحه اصلی سایت به چشم می خورد. در بخش" تماس با ما" در سایت پرتوم الو نوشته شده است که سردبیر به سوالات شما پاسخ می دهد. پس از آن کلمه برای سوال، فرم آنلاین گذاشته شده است. در بخش تماس با ما در هر دو سایت، این امکان برای مخاطب فراهم است تا از طریق ایمیل و تلفن با مدیریت سایت ارتباط داشته باشد. هر چند که سوالاتی که به آنها فرستاده می شود، پس از مدت زمان طولانی پاسخ داده می شود. در سایت پرتوم الو، پایین هر خبر امکان ثبت کامنت یا اظها نظر خود دارا است. قسمت ارسال مطالب موجب می شود تا مخاطب حضور و مشارکت در سایت را بیشتر حس کند. چون این امکان برای او فراهم می شود تا بتواند از طریق مطالب تولیدی خود ارسال کنند و رابطه متقابل و دوسویه برقرار شود. هم چنین علاوه بر ار اس اس، در صفحه اول سایت منوی مختلف وجود دارد که امکان فعالیت بیشتری به مخاطب می دهد و علاوه بر این وجود بخش نظر سنجی نیز می تواند تقطه قوت دیگری در تعامل با کاربران باشد که از این طریق نظرات خود را درباره کیفیت روزنامه مطرح می کنند. عضویت در سایت بخش دیگری است که امکان فعال بودن و تعامل هر چه بیشتر در فضای سایت را در اختیار مخاطب قرار می دهد که از این طریق، کاربران می توانند با استفاده از کلمه کاربری و کلمه عبور خود ورود و خروج متفاوتی به سایت داشته باشند و اخبار مهم سایت را از طریق ایمیل خود داشته باشند. هر دو روزنامه آنلاین، در فیسبوک و تویتر کلوپ خوانندگان خود را باز کرده است که در آنجا امکان ارتباط همزمان بین خواننگان یعنی بین کاربران وجود دارد. روزنامه پراتوم الو، هر روز یک نسخۀ اسکن شده از نسخه چاپی هم برای خوانندگان روی صحفه آنلاین قرار می دهد تا لذت خواندن روزنامه چاپی تا حدودی حس شود. ارتباط فضایی بین فضایی وبی و فضایی فیزیکی موضوع سایت هم برقرار است. از نظر رنگ، زیبایی شناسی و معماری فضا، کاربر خود را در یک فضایی آشنا احساس می کند. به علاوه بر ایمیل سردبیر، ایمیل همه دبیر بخش های روزنامه وجود دارد. پیوند ایمیل ها هم فعال هست.
واقع گرائی
هدف واقعی هر دو سایت مطلع کردن و خبر رسانی به کاربران است. در بالایی صحفۀ اول هر دو روزنامه آنلاین این نوع شعارها نوشته شده است. اما سیاست سایتها را توضیح نداده است. هر دو سایت در شعارشان ادعا کردند که آنها بی طرفانه عمل می کند. اما در واقعیت بیشتر مواقع خبرها، مقاله ها و تصاویر و غیره جهت گیری های خاص سیاسی را دارا است. هر دو روزنامه آنلاین مایل به تقویت سکولاریسم هست. اگرچه اهداف به طور شفاف بیان نشده است، اما کاربران انظاراتی که از یک روزنامه آنلاین دارند، تا حد زیادی برآورده می شود. روند حرکت سایت هم امیدوارکننده هست. هر دو سایت دارد هر روز خبرها و مقاله هایی بیشتری را به کاربران ارائه می کند.
سرعت دسترسی
سرعت در فضایی وبی جزء ثابت این فضاست. به عبارتی سرعت به منزله هوا در فضایی مجازی است. سایت بی دی نیوز 24، خیلی سریع باز می شود و آدرس سایت هم به سرعت ظاهر می شود. تغییر صفحات هم سریع فراهم می شود. اما باز شدن سایت پرتوم الو یک مقدار زمان بیشتری نیاز دارد و تغییر صفحات هم سریع فراهم نمی شود. به نظر می رسد، این مشکل بیشتر به علت پایین بودن سرعت اینترنت در کارپیوترهای خانگی است.
خدمات
خدمات روزنامه نگاری به طور کامل به فضایی وبی منتقل شده است. این خدمات برای کاربران موبایل هم قابل استفاده است. هر دو روزنامه آنلاین نسخه ای برای موبایل ها را هم ساختند و از سراسر جهان، مردم از طریق موبایل دارد سایت ها را می خوانند. این خدمات برای همگان قابل استفاده است و نیازمند پرداخت نیست. چون کاربران از این دو سایت، اطلاعات، اخبار و مقاله ها را می خواند، انتظار دارد، بلافاصله پس از یک اتفاق سایت به روز شود، می شود گفت، خدمات سایت نیازهای مورد انتظار کاربران خود را تامین می کند.
خقوق خصوصی کاربران
کاربران اینترنت برای ورود به سایت و خواندن مطالب نیاز به ثبت نام نیستند. البته اگر کسی مایل باشد می تواند عضو هر دو سایت بشود. اما هیچ کدام سایت در باره حقوق خصوصی کاربران سخنی عنوان نکرده است.
تحلیل متی و تصویری سایت
متن وبی باید از یک طبیعت چند متنی و چند رسانه ای برخوردار باشد. روزنامه آنلاین بی دی نیوز24، این امکان را تا حدودی فراهم کرد. اما روزنامه آنلاین پرتوم الو، از این جهت خیلی موفق نیست. این روزنامه فقط فایل صوتی چند خبر مهم را دارد. در حالی که روزنامه بی دی نیوز24، فایل تصویری و صوتی خبرهایی مهم را برای عموم می گذارد. هر دو سایت هیپرلینک های مختلف دارد. امکان تحلیل متنی و تصاویری اتوماتیک وجود ندارد.
استفاده آسان از فضای وبی
آسایش، مفهومی است که چگونگی فضا و چگونگی انجام کار و احساس فرد را در یک فضا منتقل می کند. در اینجا به ارزیابی سهولت استفاده از سایتها توجه می شود که پنج محور اساسی دارد و بر مبنای آنها سوالاتی طرح می شود. این پنج محور عبارت اند از:
پیوندها: پیوندهای این دو سایت مرتباً به روز می شوند و بیشتر پیوندها مربوط به سایت های خبری و روزنامه آنلاینی هستند. متن پیوندها به حدود زیادی منعکس کننده هدف واقعی است.
انعکاس نظر کاربران
سایت پرتوم الو نظر کاربران را خوب انعکاس می دهد. چون زیر هر خبر یا مطلب، کاربران می توانند نظر خود را بنویسد. اما در سایت بی دی نیوز 24 این امکان وجود دارد. هر دو سایت اطلاعات لازم در مورد تماس با مسئولان سایت قرار داد و هر صفحه پیوند به مسئولان سایت وجود دارد. فرم برای نظر سنجی در مورد یک خبر یا اطلاعات خاص وجود دارد و نتیجه نظرسنجی را به طور اتومایک ارائه می دهد.
قابل دسترس بودن " هویتهای وبی"
چون این سایتها تقریباً لحظه به لحظه به روز می شود. کاربران این احساس را دارند که مسئولان در خانه مجازی حضور دارد. اما در مورد اظهار نظر و سوالات سریع جواب نمی دهند.
طراحی: فضایی هر دو سایت زیبا است. البته اگهی های زیاد این فضا را یک مقداری شلوغ کرده است. رنگبندی ها هم چشم را اذیت نمی کند. از لحاظ فنی، در سایت بی دی نیوز 24، حداقل های قدرت دریافت مطالب را در نظر گرفته است.
حرکت در سایت
هر دو سایت ار امکانات قابل انتباق با سیستم های مختلف برخوردار است. فضا خود راهبر است. نقشه های راهنما، علائم و نشانه ها حرکت در فضا را راحتتر کرده است.
نتیجه گیری
بیشتر روزنامه های آنلاین بنگلادش، معیارهای کیفیتی 12 گانۀ دکتر سعید عاملی، آلتر اسمیت، نیکالو جورج دراگولانسکو و آجیوروف و وولفرام را رعایت نمی کنند. بیشتر روزنامه های آنلاین خبرها را بلافاصله پس از انفاق به روز نمی کنند و دارای گزارش های اختصاصی نیستند. این روزنامه ها باید معیارهای استاندارد را رعایت کند. البته چند روزنامه آنلاین هست که معیارهای 12 گانه را به حد زیادی رعایت می کنند و تعداد خوانندگان این روزنامه ها هم بالا است. ما به عنوان نمونه دو روزنامه آنلایی که در لیست سایتهای آلسکا نسبتاً در بالا قرار دارند، را تحلیل کردیم و دیدیم کیفیت بالا باعت شده است که خوانندگان زیادی داشته باشد و آگهی های زیادی نصیبشان شود.
منابع:
عاملی، سعیید رضا.(1385) ارزیابی فضایی مجازی ایران، زمستان 1385، مجموعه مقالات دانشجویی صص 16-17
عاملی، سعیید رضا.(1385) ارزیابی فضایی مجازی ایران، زمستان 1385، مجموعه مقالات دانشجویی صص 137-130
G. Hope, Beverley, & Li, Zhiru (2004). Online newspapers: the impact of culture, sex, and age on the perceived importance of specified quality factors . Information Research journal Vol. 9 No. 4 July 20-23
www.alexa.com
www.online newspaper.com
www.prothom-alo.com
www.bdnews24.com
... ... ... ..
Monday, November 29, 2010
Who Would Pay for Online News? An Empirical Study on the Viability of the Subscription Model Hsiang Iris Chyi, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong
Introduction: Since the birth of the online medium, Internet news publishers have been
experimenting with various revenue models for their online operations to achieve
profitability: the subscription model, the advertising model, the transactional model,
and the bundled model. However, recent market research shows that many newspapers generated less
than $5 in online revenue per unit of circulation. By 1999, a survey of 64 online newspapers serving California, Texas, New York,
and Florida empirically examined the application of these models in the online news
industry (Chyi & Sylvie, 2001). That study reported quite an unenthusiastic response
to the subscription model. Back then, online advertising served as a revenue source
for almost 80 percent of the sites. Fewer than 20 percent adopted e-commerce and
pay-per-use models. But only three percent of those online news providers were
utilizing the subscription model and most said it would be unlikely or very unlikely to
charge for online news access within the next two years -- i.e. between 1999-2001.
While the fee -based WSJ.com has long served as a classic example for adopting the
subscription model, most online publishers believed that general-interest news sites
would find it difficult to do the same.
The real market development was somewhat surprising. Following the economic
downturn, by 2001, the “free to fee” trend suddenly took off. (For a detailed account
of such practices in the industry, check the website The End of Free at
theendoffree.com). The subscription model re-entered the agenda , and many online
publishers seemed to believe it’s time to start charging for the valuable information
they offer (Outing, 2002).
However, market researchers found little evidence that suggests users are ready
to pay. According to the results of a March 2002 consumer survey, 70 percent of
online adults cannot understand why anyone would pay for content online (Jupiter
Media Metrix, 2002). Another market study revealed that 71 percent of news site
users would go somewhere else because there are so many free sites available. In
addition, the sign-up rate for newspapers that are charging for online access range
from 0.2 to 2.6 percent of the print circulation (Borrell & Associates, 2001).
Little academic research directly tapped into the economic viability of the
subscription model. Findings of an exploratory focus group study showed that while
most participants ranked the Internet their No. 1 information source and were able to
identify many of its strengths and weaknesses as a news medium, they showed no
intent to pay (Chyi, 2002). To further understand users’ response to paid content, this
study attempts to address the following questions:
RQ1: How many users are actually paying for online news access? Why?
RQ2: How many users will be willing to pay for online news access in the future?
Why?
RQ3: What is the relationship between income and the consumption of paid
content online?
RQ4: What other factors (demographics, usage) influence people’s paying intent?
RQ5: What is the general public’s preference for a particular format (online vs.
print)? Why?
RQ6: Is format preference related to paying intent?
Methodology
A random-sample telephone survey of 853 Hong Kong residents was conducted
during November 13-17, 2002 to investigate the general public’s response to online
news.
Hong Kong -- with the highest Internet penetration in Greater China -- is also
one of the most wired cities in Asia. As of 2002, 54% of people aged 10 or over had
used a personal computer and 48% had used Internet services during the previous 12
months (Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department, 2003). Hong Kong also has
the highest newspaper penetration in the region. About 20 daily newspapers remain
active in the market. At the end of 2002, 18 media websites provided online news
services -- 12 were operated by newspapers and six by TV or radio stations. Faced
with the economic viability issue, online publishers in Hong Kong seem relatively
radical when compared with their counterparts elsewhere in experimenting with the
subscription model. Six online news sites are charging (local or overseas) users for
access to at least some parts of the site.
Traditional & Online Media Use
Of all respondents, 97 percent watched TV on a daily basis. 1 On average, a TV
viewer spent more than 2.5 hours watching TV per day. (The median was 2 hours.)
About 89 percent of all respondents read the newspaper, and the average time for
newspaper reading was 57 minutes per day. (The median was 45 minutes.)
In terms of computer use, 63 percent of all respondents aged 15 or above used a
personal computer at home or work on a weekly basis. Computer users rated their
computer savvyness using an 11-point scale (with 0 being not familiar at all, and 10
being extremely familiar), and the mean was 5.6.
Future Paying Intent
Online news users who were not currently subscribing to paid content were
asked to estimate the possibility of subscribing to such content in the future (n=375).
The results also were not very promising. Some 43 percent said it was “unlikely” that
they would pay for online news in the future, while 38 percent said “very unlikely.”
Only 1.3 percent answered “very likely” and 21 percent said “likely.”
An open-ended question probed the reasons for the lack of paying intent:
Nearly 40 percent of those without future paying intent indicated that free alternative
news services exist -- 29 percent mentioned traditional news media and 10 percent
mentioned other online news services. A long the same line, 17 percent said they
would not need such services. Another 17 percent said price was a factor damping
their willingness to pay.
Among those who said they might be willing to pay in the future, the reasons
cited include: “if I have such needs” (21%) and “if the price is reasonable” (15%).
Results:
Overall, the study showed that most online users were not paying for online
news and did not show strong intent to pay in the future, suggesting that the
subscription model is not working and may not work well in the future. The results
correspond with the trend identified in U.S.-based studies using site-centric
approaches (Borrell & Associates, 2001). As the lack of paying intent looks like a
global phenomenon, online publishers worldwide should exert caution when
implementing the subscription model.
The analysis identified no relationship between paying intent and income, gender,
education, or computer knowledge but showed a slight correlation with age . In
addition, time spent online and format preference was also related to paying intent.
These findings carry a few implications.
First, although younger respondents and heavy Internet users were more likely to
pay for online news access, even among the youngest age group or the heaviest online
users, still more than 60 percent reported no intent to pay in the future. Online
publishers should bear this in mind when evaluating the viability of the subscription
model.
Second, regarding format preferences, compared with the print edition, the
online newspaper was clearly less preferred. Answers to the follow -up, open-ended
question also revealed why users preferred different formats. As format preference is
also related to payin g intent, how to change that format preference might imply the
possibility for increasing paying intent. However, while respondents who preferred
the print format seemed able to cite some diverse reasons for their preference for the
print format, those who preferred the online format failed to mention anything other
than “convenience.” It seems that Internet-specific features such as “timeliness,”
“interactivity,” and “searchable databases” were not perceived as important even in
those online lovers’ minds. One cannot rule out the possibility that the online newspaper simply cannot serve
as a profit center like its print counterpart on an equal basis -- by generating
subscription-based revenues from the local market. For the time being, online
advertising still seems like a relatively effective and low -risk revenue driver. However,
if the effectiveness of online advertising still remains questionable, in the longer term,
online publishers might need to reposition their online product accordingly -- as a
complimentary service for readers or as a showcase of its brand name.
Theoretically, this study serves as another step to examine the unique economic
nature of online news. While buying a copy of the print newspaper is not a big deal
for most consumers, what makes them so reluctant to pay for online content? As
results showed that income is not a factor determining paying intent, subjective or
attitudinal variables seem of great importance. Further investigation into the
economics of online news should take these variables into account. On the other hand,
the lack of relationship between income and paying intent provides preliminary
support for the “online news as inferior goods” hypothesis, which should be further
explored with more empirical evidence.
experimenting with various revenue models for their online operations to achieve
profitability: the subscription model, the advertising model, the transactional model,
and the bundled model. However, recent market research shows that many newspapers generated less
than $5 in online revenue per unit of circulation. By 1999, a survey of 64 online newspapers serving California, Texas, New York,
and Florida empirically examined the application of these models in the online news
industry (Chyi & Sylvie, 2001). That study reported quite an unenthusiastic response
to the subscription model. Back then, online advertising served as a revenue source
for almost 80 percent of the sites. Fewer than 20 percent adopted e-commerce and
pay-per-use models. But only three percent of those online news providers were
utilizing the subscription model and most said it would be unlikely or very unlikely to
charge for online news access within the next two years -- i.e. between 1999-2001.
While the fee -based WSJ.com has long served as a classic example for adopting the
subscription model, most online publishers believed that general-interest news sites
would find it difficult to do the same.
The real market development was somewhat surprising. Following the economic
downturn, by 2001, the “free to fee” trend suddenly took off. (For a detailed account
of such practices in the industry, check the website The End of Free at
theendoffree.com). The subscription model re-entered the agenda , and many online
publishers seemed to believe it’s time to start charging for the valuable information
they offer (Outing, 2002).
However, market researchers found little evidence that suggests users are ready
to pay. According to the results of a March 2002 consumer survey, 70 percent of
online adults cannot understand why anyone would pay for content online (Jupiter
Media Metrix, 2002). Another market study revealed that 71 percent of news site
users would go somewhere else because there are so many free sites available. In
addition, the sign-up rate for newspapers that are charging for online access range
from 0.2 to 2.6 percent of the print circulation (Borrell & Associates, 2001).
Little academic research directly tapped into the economic viability of the
subscription model. Findings of an exploratory focus group study showed that while
most participants ranked the Internet their No. 1 information source and were able to
identify many of its strengths and weaknesses as a news medium, they showed no
intent to pay (Chyi, 2002). To further understand users’ response to paid content, this
study attempts to address the following questions:
RQ1: How many users are actually paying for online news access? Why?
RQ2: How many users will be willing to pay for online news access in the future?
Why?
RQ3: What is the relationship between income and the consumption of paid
content online?
RQ4: What other factors (demographics, usage) influence people’s paying intent?
RQ5: What is the general public’s preference for a particular format (online vs.
print)? Why?
RQ6: Is format preference related to paying intent?
Methodology
A random-sample telephone survey of 853 Hong Kong residents was conducted
during November 13-17, 2002 to investigate the general public’s response to online
news.
Hong Kong -- with the highest Internet penetration in Greater China -- is also
one of the most wired cities in Asia. As of 2002, 54% of people aged 10 or over had
used a personal computer and 48% had used Internet services during the previous 12
months (Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department, 2003). Hong Kong also has
the highest newspaper penetration in the region. About 20 daily newspapers remain
active in the market. At the end of 2002, 18 media websites provided online news
services -- 12 were operated by newspapers and six by TV or radio stations. Faced
with the economic viability issue, online publishers in Hong Kong seem relatively
radical when compared with their counterparts elsewhere in experimenting with the
subscription model. Six online news sites are charging (local or overseas) users for
access to at least some parts of the site.
Traditional & Online Media Use
Of all respondents, 97 percent watched TV on a daily basis. 1 On average, a TV
viewer spent more than 2.5 hours watching TV per day. (The median was 2 hours.)
About 89 percent of all respondents read the newspaper, and the average time for
newspaper reading was 57 minutes per day. (The median was 45 minutes.)
In terms of computer use, 63 percent of all respondents aged 15 or above used a
personal computer at home or work on a weekly basis. Computer users rated their
computer savvyness using an 11-point scale (with 0 being not familiar at all, and 10
being extremely familiar), and the mean was 5.6.
Future Paying Intent
Online news users who were not currently subscribing to paid content were
asked to estimate the possibility of subscribing to such content in the future (n=375).
The results also were not very promising. Some 43 percent said it was “unlikely” that
they would pay for online news in the future, while 38 percent said “very unlikely.”
Only 1.3 percent answered “very likely” and 21 percent said “likely.”
An open-ended question probed the reasons for the lack of paying intent:
Nearly 40 percent of those without future paying intent indicated that free alternative
news services exist -- 29 percent mentioned traditional news media and 10 percent
mentioned other online news services. A long the same line, 17 percent said they
would not need such services. Another 17 percent said price was a factor damping
their willingness to pay.
Among those who said they might be willing to pay in the future, the reasons
cited include: “if I have such needs” (21%) and “if the price is reasonable” (15%).
Results:
Overall, the study showed that most online users were not paying for online
news and did not show strong intent to pay in the future, suggesting that the
subscription model is not working and may not work well in the future. The results
correspond with the trend identified in U.S.-based studies using site-centric
approaches (Borrell & Associates, 2001). As the lack of paying intent looks like a
global phenomenon, online publishers worldwide should exert caution when
implementing the subscription model.
The analysis identified no relationship between paying intent and income, gender,
education, or computer knowledge but showed a slight correlation with age . In
addition, time spent online and format preference was also related to paying intent.
These findings carry a few implications.
First, although younger respondents and heavy Internet users were more likely to
pay for online news access, even among the youngest age group or the heaviest online
users, still more than 60 percent reported no intent to pay in the future. Online
publishers should bear this in mind when evaluating the viability of the subscription
model.
Second, regarding format preferences, compared with the print edition, the
online newspaper was clearly less preferred. Answers to the follow -up, open-ended
question also revealed why users preferred different formats. As format preference is
also related to payin g intent, how to change that format preference might imply the
possibility for increasing paying intent. However, while respondents who preferred
the print format seemed able to cite some diverse reasons for their preference for the
print format, those who preferred the online format failed to mention anything other
than “convenience.” It seems that Internet-specific features such as “timeliness,”
“interactivity,” and “searchable databases” were not perceived as important even in
those online lovers’ minds. One cannot rule out the possibility that the online newspaper simply cannot serve
as a profit center like its print counterpart on an equal basis -- by generating
subscription-based revenues from the local market. For the time being, online
advertising still seems like a relatively effective and low -risk revenue driver. However,
if the effectiveness of online advertising still remains questionable, in the longer term,
online publishers might need to reposition their online product accordingly -- as a
complimentary service for readers or as a showcase of its brand name.
Theoretically, this study serves as another step to examine the unique economic
nature of online news. While buying a copy of the print newspaper is not a big deal
for most consumers, what makes them so reluctant to pay for online content? As
results showed that income is not a factor determining paying intent, subjective or
attitudinal variables seem of great importance. Further investigation into the
economics of online news should take these variables into account. On the other hand,
the lack of relationship between income and paying intent provides preliminary
support for the “online news as inferior goods” hypothesis, which should be further
explored with more empirical evidence.
Friday, November 5, 2010
The complementary relationship between the Internet and traditional mass media: the case of online news and information
Introduction: “Death of old media in the face of new communication technologies” is a issue which has received intensive attention in both academic and industrial research. Many researches are conducted on this issue in past decade. But the question whether old media are driven out of existence by new media, has received no definitive answer. I want to disscuss about one of researches on this field and title of the selected research is “The complementary relationship between the Internet and traditional mass media:the case of online news and information”. This research conducted by AnNguyen and Mark Western from The University of Queensland, Australia.
Medium-centred and user-centred perspectives: Since the first empirical attempts to explore the potential effect of new media on old media in the 1940s, there have been two main approaches to the issue: one is centered on the medium and its attributes and supports a displacement and replacement (absolute displacement) hypothesis; the other is focused on users' needs and often results in proposing a complementary effect of the new on the old.
The most pronounced medium-centred approach so far is Maxwell McCombs' Principle of Relative Constancy. This principle was inspired by media owner Charles Scripps, who contended that mass communication products have become staples of consumption in our society (much like food, clothing and shelter) and thus, 'in spite of the increasing complexity of mass communications with the advent of new media, the pattern of economic support has been relatively constant and more closely related to the general economy than to the various changes and trends taking place within the mass media field itself. In other words, as staples, mass communication receives a constant share of the economic pie, or a relatively fixed proportion of all expenditures. Using aggregate data of consumers' and advertisers' spending on mass communication in the USA from 1929 through 1968, McCombs found strong support for this hypothesis: despite some short-term anomalies, the ratio of media spending to total consumer spending remained relatively fixed (around 3%) during the four decades. This media-spending share constancy hypothesis, which was so compelling that McCombs raised it to the status of a principle, was confirmed in a follow-up study for the 1968-1977 decade. During the 1948-1959 period, when television rapidly entered American households, McCombs tested these three possible sources to determine which accounted for television revenue. He discovered that the Principle of Relative Constancy also held for this shorter period of television penetration, which means television did not bring about any significant increase in total media spending (that is, it did not divert from non-media spending).
the constancy concept developed by McCombs is potentially unreliable because of its many theoretical and methodological drawbacks. Extending McCombs's data to 1981, Wood revisited his methodological approach to discover that the Principle of Relative Constancy's inherent hypothesis of income-share constancy in mass media spending, although correct for the whole six-decade period, was not supported in short-run tests. In particular, mass media spending significantly fluctuated from one decade to another and decade-long increases in disposable income were associated with either drop or surge in media spending. Such short-run departures from constancy were found in later studies showing that mass media spending dramatically increased after the VCR penetrated daily life. Son and McCombs found that total mass media spending was up to 3.7% in 1987 from 2.2% in 1975 although they argued that this was a short-term exception rather than something to discredit the long-term Principle of Relative Constancy.
Recent research has also called the constancy assumption into question in the light of demand theory. Noh and Grant found the constancy assumption a biased adoption of consumer demand theory since it only takes income into account and leaves aside other possible explanations. For example, even if income remains constant, consumer spending on mass media will change as the result of a change in the price of a media good. Similarly, Dupagne asserted that the proportional relationship in the Principle of Relative Constancy is inconsistent with the dominant, traditional, micro-economic model of consumer choice and that using different methodological factors might result in conflicting evidence about the Principle of Relative Constancy. Using empirical evidence from Belgium, the study explored five independent variables (income, price, population, unemployment and interest rate) to find that price and population were better predictors of consumer spending on mass media than income.
In a broader context, one could argue that different media as different content (information and/or entertainment) resources will coexist for a number of reasons.
Hypothesises
H1: Internet users use traditional news and information sources more frequently than non-users of the Internet.
H2: Internet news and information users use traditional sources more frequently than non-users of Internet news and information.
H3: Frequent Internet news and information users use traditional sources more frequently than non-frequent users of Internet news and information.
H4: Internet news and information usage is more associated with news and information seeking from more information-intensive sources.
Methodology
This study is based on a secondary data analysis of the 2003 Australian Survey of Social Attitudes, a national social-attitudes survey conducted from August to December 2003, using a stratified, systematic, random sample from the 2002 Australian Electoral Roll. The overall response rate was 44% with a final sample size of 4270.
Result
H1 was not supported but another three was confirmed.
APPLICATIONS FOR IRAN:
We can apply above method in Iranian media. We can explore the effect of internet on Iranian tv which is governmental. At the same time we can try give a answer to a follow-up question: What media is first choich of Iranian people. Before first choice of Iranian was Tv. But Now I think it is changed.
Medium-centred and user-centred perspectives: Since the first empirical attempts to explore the potential effect of new media on old media in the 1940s, there have been two main approaches to the issue: one is centered on the medium and its attributes and supports a displacement and replacement (absolute displacement) hypothesis; the other is focused on users' needs and often results in proposing a complementary effect of the new on the old.
The most pronounced medium-centred approach so far is Maxwell McCombs' Principle of Relative Constancy. This principle was inspired by media owner Charles Scripps, who contended that mass communication products have become staples of consumption in our society (much like food, clothing and shelter) and thus, 'in spite of the increasing complexity of mass communications with the advent of new media, the pattern of economic support has been relatively constant and more closely related to the general economy than to the various changes and trends taking place within the mass media field itself. In other words, as staples, mass communication receives a constant share of the economic pie, or a relatively fixed proportion of all expenditures. Using aggregate data of consumers' and advertisers' spending on mass communication in the USA from 1929 through 1968, McCombs found strong support for this hypothesis: despite some short-term anomalies, the ratio of media spending to total consumer spending remained relatively fixed (around 3%) during the four decades. This media-spending share constancy hypothesis, which was so compelling that McCombs raised it to the status of a principle, was confirmed in a follow-up study for the 1968-1977 decade. During the 1948-1959 period, when television rapidly entered American households, McCombs tested these three possible sources to determine which accounted for television revenue. He discovered that the Principle of Relative Constancy also held for this shorter period of television penetration, which means television did not bring about any significant increase in total media spending (that is, it did not divert from non-media spending).
the constancy concept developed by McCombs is potentially unreliable because of its many theoretical and methodological drawbacks. Extending McCombs's data to 1981, Wood revisited his methodological approach to discover that the Principle of Relative Constancy's inherent hypothesis of income-share constancy in mass media spending, although correct for the whole six-decade period, was not supported in short-run tests. In particular, mass media spending significantly fluctuated from one decade to another and decade-long increases in disposable income were associated with either drop or surge in media spending. Such short-run departures from constancy were found in later studies showing that mass media spending dramatically increased after the VCR penetrated daily life. Son and McCombs found that total mass media spending was up to 3.7% in 1987 from 2.2% in 1975 although they argued that this was a short-term exception rather than something to discredit the long-term Principle of Relative Constancy.
Recent research has also called the constancy assumption into question in the light of demand theory. Noh and Grant found the constancy assumption a biased adoption of consumer demand theory since it only takes income into account and leaves aside other possible explanations. For example, even if income remains constant, consumer spending on mass media will change as the result of a change in the price of a media good. Similarly, Dupagne asserted that the proportional relationship in the Principle of Relative Constancy is inconsistent with the dominant, traditional, micro-economic model of consumer choice and that using different methodological factors might result in conflicting evidence about the Principle of Relative Constancy. Using empirical evidence from Belgium, the study explored five independent variables (income, price, population, unemployment and interest rate) to find that price and population were better predictors of consumer spending on mass media than income.
In a broader context, one could argue that different media as different content (information and/or entertainment) resources will coexist for a number of reasons.
Hypothesises
H1: Internet users use traditional news and information sources more frequently than non-users of the Internet.
H2: Internet news and information users use traditional sources more frequently than non-users of Internet news and information.
H3: Frequent Internet news and information users use traditional sources more frequently than non-frequent users of Internet news and information.
H4: Internet news and information usage is more associated with news and information seeking from more information-intensive sources.
Methodology
This study is based on a secondary data analysis of the 2003 Australian Survey of Social Attitudes, a national social-attitudes survey conducted from August to December 2003, using a stratified, systematic, random sample from the 2002 Australian Electoral Roll. The overall response rate was 44% with a final sample size of 4270.
Result
H1 was not supported but another three was confirmed.
APPLICATIONS FOR IRAN:
We can apply above method in Iranian media. We can explore the effect of internet on Iranian tv which is governmental. At the same time we can try give a answer to a follow-up question: What media is first choich of Iranian people. Before first choice of Iranian was Tv. But Now I think it is changed.
Friday, October 22, 2010
Who Would Pay for Online News? An Empirical Study on the Viability of the Subscription Model
By Hsiang Iris Chyi, The Chinese University of Hong Kong, Hong Kong
Introduction: Since the birth of the online medium, Internet news publishers have been
experimenting with various revenue models for their online operations to achieve
profitability: the subscription model, the advertising model, the transactional model,
and the bundled model. However, recent market research shows that many newspapers generated less
than $5 in online revenue per unit of circulation. By 1999, a survey of 64 online newspapers serving California, Texas, New York,
and Florida empirically examined the application of these models in the online news
industry (Chyi & Sylvie, 2001). That study reported quite an unenthusiastic response
to the subscription model. Back then, online advertising served as a revenue source
for almost 80 percent of the sites. Fewer than 20 percent adopted e-commerce and
pay-per-use models. But only three percent of those online news providers were
utilizing the subscription model and most said it would be unlikely or very unlikely to
charge for online news access within the next two years -- i.e. between 1999-2001.
While the fee -based WSJ.com has long served as a classic example for adopting the
subscription model, most online publishers believed that general-interest news sites
would find it difficult to do the same.
The real market development was somewhat surprising. Following the economic
downturn, by 2001, the “free to fee” trend suddenly took off. (For a detailed account
of such practices in the industry, check the website The End of Free at
theendoffree.com). The subscription model re-entered the agenda , and many online
publishers seemed to believe it’s time to start charging for the valuable information
they offer (Outing, 2002).
However, market researchers found little evidence that suggests users are ready
to pay. According to the results of a March 2002 consumer survey, 70 percent of
online adults cannot understand why anyone would pay for content online (Jupiter
Media Metrix, 2002). Another market study revealed that 71 percent of news site
users would go somewhere else because there are so many free sites available. In
addition, the sign-up rate for newspapers that are charging for online access range
from 0.2 to 2.6 percent of the print circulation (Borrell & Associates, 2001).
Little academic research directly tapped into the economic viability of the
subscription model. Findings of an exploratory focus group study showed that while
most participants ranked the Internet their No. 1 information source and were able to
identify many of its strengths and weaknesses as a news medium, they showed no
intent to pay (Chyi, 2002). To further understand users’ response to paid content, this
study attempts to address the following questions:
RQ1: How many users are actually paying for online news access? Why?
RQ2: How many users will be willing to pay for online news access in the future?
Why?
RQ3: What is the relationship between income and the consumption of paid
content online?
RQ4: What other factors (demographics, usage) influence people’s paying intent?
RQ5: What is the general public’s preference for a particular format (online vs.
print)? Why?
RQ6: Is format preference related to paying intent?
Methodology
A random-sample telephone survey of 853 Hong Kong residents was conducted
during November 13-17, 2002 to investigate the general public’s response to online
news.
Hong Kong -- with the highest Internet penetration in Greater China -- is also
one of the most wired cities in Asia. As of 2002, 54% of people aged 10 or over had
used a personal computer and 48% had used Internet services during the previous 12
months (Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department, 2003). Hong Kong also has
the highest newspaper penetration in the region. About 20 daily newspapers remain
active in the market. At the end of 2002, 18 media websites provided online news
services -- 12 were operated by newspapers and six by TV or radio stations. Faced
with the economic viability issue, online publishers in Hong Kong seem relatively
radical when compared with their counterparts elsewhere in experimenting with the
subscription model. Six online news sites are charging (local or overseas) users for
access to at least some parts of the site.
Traditional & Online Media Use
Of all respondents, 97 percent watched TV on a daily basis. 1 On average, a TV
viewer spent more than 2.5 hours watching TV per day. (The median was 2 hours.)
About 89 percent of all respondents read the newspaper, and the average time for
newspaper reading was 57 minutes per day. (The median was 45 minutes.)
In terms of computer use, 63 percent of all respondents aged 15 or above used a
personal computer at home or work on a weekly basis. Computer users rated their
computer savvyness using an 11-point scale (with 0 being not familiar at all, and 10
being extremely familiar), and the mean was 5.6.
Future Paying Intent
Online news users who were not currently subscribing to paid content were
asked to estimate the possibility of subscribing to such content in the future (n=375).
The results also were not very promising. Some 43 percent said it was “unlikely” that
they would pay for online news in the future, while 38 percent said “very unlikely.”
Only 1.3 percent answered “very likely” and 21 percent said “likely.”
An open-ended question probed the reasons for the lack of paying intent:
Nearly 40 percent of those without future paying intent indicated that free alternative
news services exist -- 29 percent mentioned traditional news media and 10 percent
mentioned other online news services. A long the same line, 17 percent said they
would not need such services. Another 17 percent said price was a factor damping
their willingness to pay.
Among those who said they might be willing to pay in the future, the reasons
cited include: “if I have such needs” (21%) and “if the price is reasonable” (15%).
Results:
Overall, the study showed that most online users were not paying for online
news and did not show strong intent to pay in the future, suggesting that the
subscription model is not working and may not work well in the future. The results
correspond with the trend identified in U.S.-based studies using site-centric
approaches (Borrell & Associates, 2001). As the lack of paying intent looks like a
global phenomenon, online publishers worldwide should exert caution when
implementing the subscription model.
The analysis identified no relationship between paying intent and income, gender,
education, or computer knowledge but showed a slight correlation with age . In
addition, time spent online and format preference was also related to paying intent.
These findings carry a few implications.
First, although younger respondents and heavy Internet users were more likely to
pay for online news access, even among the youngest age group or the heaviest online
users, still more than 60 percent reported no intent to pay in the future. Online
publishers should bear this in mind when evaluating the viability of the subscription
model.
Second, regarding format preferences, compared with the print edition, the
online newspaper was clearly less preferred. Answers to the follow -up, open-ended
question also revealed why users preferred different formats. As format preference is
also related to payin g intent, how to change that format preference might imply the
possibility for increasing paying intent. However, while respondents who preferred
the print format seemed able to cite some diverse reasons for their preference for the
print format, those who preferred the online format failed to mention anything other
than “convenience.” It seems that Internet-specific features such as “timeliness,”
“interactivity,” and “searchable databases” were not perceived as important even in
those online lovers’ minds. One cannot rule out the possibility that the online newspaper simply cannot serve
as a profit center like its print counterpart on an equal basis -- by generating
subscription-based revenues from the local market. For the time being, online
advertising still seems like a relatively effective and low -risk revenue driver. However,
if the effectiveness of online advertising still remains questionable, in the longer term,
online publishers might need to reposition their online product accordingly -- as a
complimentary service for readers or as a showcase of its brand name.
Theoretically, this study serves as another step to examine the unique economic
nature of online news. While buying a copy of the print newspaper is not a big deal
for most consumers, what makes them so reluctant to pay for online content? As
results showed that income is not a factor determining paying intent, subjective or
attitudinal variables seem of great importance. Further investigation into the
economics of online news should take these variables into account. On the other hand,
the lack of relationship between income and paying intent provides preliminary
support for the “online news as inferior goods” hypothesis, which should be further
explored with more empirical evidence.
Introduction: Since the birth of the online medium, Internet news publishers have been
experimenting with various revenue models for their online operations to achieve
profitability: the subscription model, the advertising model, the transactional model,
and the bundled model. However, recent market research shows that many newspapers generated less
than $5 in online revenue per unit of circulation. By 1999, a survey of 64 online newspapers serving California, Texas, New York,
and Florida empirically examined the application of these models in the online news
industry (Chyi & Sylvie, 2001). That study reported quite an unenthusiastic response
to the subscription model. Back then, online advertising served as a revenue source
for almost 80 percent of the sites. Fewer than 20 percent adopted e-commerce and
pay-per-use models. But only three percent of those online news providers were
utilizing the subscription model and most said it would be unlikely or very unlikely to
charge for online news access within the next two years -- i.e. between 1999-2001.
While the fee -based WSJ.com has long served as a classic example for adopting the
subscription model, most online publishers believed that general-interest news sites
would find it difficult to do the same.
The real market development was somewhat surprising. Following the economic
downturn, by 2001, the “free to fee” trend suddenly took off. (For a detailed account
of such practices in the industry, check the website The End of Free at
theendoffree.com). The subscription model re-entered the agenda , and many online
publishers seemed to believe it’s time to start charging for the valuable information
they offer (Outing, 2002).
However, market researchers found little evidence that suggests users are ready
to pay. According to the results of a March 2002 consumer survey, 70 percent of
online adults cannot understand why anyone would pay for content online (Jupiter
Media Metrix, 2002). Another market study revealed that 71 percent of news site
users would go somewhere else because there are so many free sites available. In
addition, the sign-up rate for newspapers that are charging for online access range
from 0.2 to 2.6 percent of the print circulation (Borrell & Associates, 2001).
Little academic research directly tapped into the economic viability of the
subscription model. Findings of an exploratory focus group study showed that while
most participants ranked the Internet their No. 1 information source and were able to
identify many of its strengths and weaknesses as a news medium, they showed no
intent to pay (Chyi, 2002). To further understand users’ response to paid content, this
study attempts to address the following questions:
RQ1: How many users are actually paying for online news access? Why?
RQ2: How many users will be willing to pay for online news access in the future?
Why?
RQ3: What is the relationship between income and the consumption of paid
content online?
RQ4: What other factors (demographics, usage) influence people’s paying intent?
RQ5: What is the general public’s preference for a particular format (online vs.
print)? Why?
RQ6: Is format preference related to paying intent?
Methodology
A random-sample telephone survey of 853 Hong Kong residents was conducted
during November 13-17, 2002 to investigate the general public’s response to online
news.
Hong Kong -- with the highest Internet penetration in Greater China -- is also
one of the most wired cities in Asia. As of 2002, 54% of people aged 10 or over had
used a personal computer and 48% had used Internet services during the previous 12
months (Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department, 2003). Hong Kong also has
the highest newspaper penetration in the region. About 20 daily newspapers remain
active in the market. At the end of 2002, 18 media websites provided online news
services -- 12 were operated by newspapers and six by TV or radio stations. Faced
with the economic viability issue, online publishers in Hong Kong seem relatively
radical when compared with their counterparts elsewhere in experimenting with the
subscription model. Six online news sites are charging (local or overseas) users for
access to at least some parts of the site.
Traditional & Online Media Use
Of all respondents, 97 percent watched TV on a daily basis. 1 On average, a TV
viewer spent more than 2.5 hours watching TV per day. (The median was 2 hours.)
About 89 percent of all respondents read the newspaper, and the average time for
newspaper reading was 57 minutes per day. (The median was 45 minutes.)
In terms of computer use, 63 percent of all respondents aged 15 or above used a
personal computer at home or work on a weekly basis. Computer users rated their
computer savvyness using an 11-point scale (with 0 being not familiar at all, and 10
being extremely familiar), and the mean was 5.6.
Future Paying Intent
Online news users who were not currently subscribing to paid content were
asked to estimate the possibility of subscribing to such content in the future (n=375).
The results also were not very promising. Some 43 percent said it was “unlikely” that
they would pay for online news in the future, while 38 percent said “very unlikely.”
Only 1.3 percent answered “very likely” and 21 percent said “likely.”
An open-ended question probed the reasons for the lack of paying intent:
Nearly 40 percent of those without future paying intent indicated that free alternative
news services exist -- 29 percent mentioned traditional news media and 10 percent
mentioned other online news services. A long the same line, 17 percent said they
would not need such services. Another 17 percent said price was a factor damping
their willingness to pay.
Among those who said they might be willing to pay in the future, the reasons
cited include: “if I have such needs” (21%) and “if the price is reasonable” (15%).
Results:
Overall, the study showed that most online users were not paying for online
news and did not show strong intent to pay in the future, suggesting that the
subscription model is not working and may not work well in the future. The results
correspond with the trend identified in U.S.-based studies using site-centric
approaches (Borrell & Associates, 2001). As the lack of paying intent looks like a
global phenomenon, online publishers worldwide should exert caution when
implementing the subscription model.
The analysis identified no relationship between paying intent and income, gender,
education, or computer knowledge but showed a slight correlation with age . In
addition, time spent online and format preference was also related to paying intent.
These findings carry a few implications.
First, although younger respondents and heavy Internet users were more likely to
pay for online news access, even among the youngest age group or the heaviest online
users, still more than 60 percent reported no intent to pay in the future. Online
publishers should bear this in mind when evaluating the viability of the subscription
model.
Second, regarding format preferences, compared with the print edition, the
online newspaper was clearly less preferred. Answers to the follow -up, open-ended
question also revealed why users preferred different formats. As format preference is
also related to payin g intent, how to change that format preference might imply the
possibility for increasing paying intent. However, while respondents who preferred
the print format seemed able to cite some diverse reasons for their preference for the
print format, those who preferred the online format failed to mention anything other
than “convenience.” It seems that Internet-specific features such as “timeliness,”
“interactivity,” and “searchable databases” were not perceived as important even in
those online lovers’ minds. One cannot rule out the possibility that the online newspaper simply cannot serve
as a profit center like its print counterpart on an equal basis -- by generating
subscription-based revenues from the local market. For the time being, online
advertising still seems like a relatively effective and low -risk revenue driver. However,
if the effectiveness of online advertising still remains questionable, in the longer term,
online publishers might need to reposition their online product accordingly -- as a
complimentary service for readers or as a showcase of its brand name.
Theoretically, this study serves as another step to examine the unique economic
nature of online news. While buying a copy of the print newspaper is not a big deal
for most consumers, what makes them so reluctant to pay for online content? As
results showed that income is not a factor determining paying intent, subjective or
attitudinal variables seem of great importance. Further investigation into the
economics of online news should take these variables into account. On the other hand,
the lack of relationship between income and paying intent provides preliminary
support for the “online news as inferior goods” hypothesis, which should be further
explored with more empirical evidence.
Friday, October 15, 2010
IS ONLINE NEWS AN INFERIOR GOOD?
IS ONLINE NEWS AN INFERIOR GOOD?
EXAMINING THE ECONOMIC NATURE OF ONLINE NEWS AMONG USERS
By Professor Hsiang Iris Chyi and PhD student Mengchieh Jacie Yang
Published in JOURNALISM & MASS COMMUNICATION QUARTERLY
Introduction: With the unprecedented emergence of the Internet as a powerful news medium, fears of the dinosaur's fate have been dominating print medium since the late 1990s. (Nguyen, A. 2003) In U.S.A the number of people getting news online has been growing while print circulation of news paper keeps dropping. Thats why, Many people beleive that future of news is online.
But evidence suggests print newspapers still account for more than 90% of total newspaper revenue and users do not perceive online news favorably. They prefer print newspaper to online news.
To better understand the user’s response to online news, this study goes beyond descriptive research and takes a theory-driven, inter-disciplinary approach. The goal is to explore the economic concept of “inferior goods” and its applicability to the consumption of online news.
Inferior Goods: In microeconomics Terms, when income increases, the demand for an inferior good decreases; when income decreases, the demand for an inferior good increases, other things being equal. whether a product is an inferior good is determined by the relationship between income and demand, not by the quality of the good. But on the other hand,“Normal goods,” are characterized by a positive relationship between income and demand. When income increases, the demand for normal goods also increases.
To determine whether a good is an inferior/normal good, the relationship between income and demand must be measured by the income elasticity of demand, which is calculated as the percentage change in quantity demanded divided by the percentage change in income. When the income elasticity of demand for a good is negative, the good is an inferior good.
For example, macaroni and cheese, Ramen noodles, potatoes, rice, and bus travel ticket are inferior goods. Therefore, inferior goods often are perceived as of lesser quality when compared with alternatives that are normal goods.
One rare example of inferior goods cited in a media economics textbook is the black-and-white TV set. In the early 1970s, an increase in income would have contributed to poor families replacing their black-and-white televisions with the color receiver, bringing a decline in demand for black-and-white TV sets. But most media products are assumed to be normal goods. A recent article in the New York Times discussed a 9% decline in DVD sales in the third quarter of 2008 in the context of the economic crisis negatively affecting consumer income.
In communication research, the Theoretical Framework Principle of Relative Constancy proposed by McCombs in the 1970s states that total media expenditures by consumers and advertisers will increase or decrease proportionally according to national income. This theory assumes that aggregate income and media consumption are positively correlated.
This study ( Study of Professor Hsiang Iris Chyi and PhD student Mengchieh Jacie Yang) tested hypothesis, which states: As income increases, the consumption of online news decreases, other things being equal.
H1: When income increases, online news use decreases—controlling for demographics (gender, age, education) and news interest.
H2: When income increases, online news use decreases—controlling for demographics (gender, age, education),news interest, and other news media use (newspaper, TV news, and radio news).
Methodology: Data used in this study were collected by the Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, a U.S.-based non-profit organization conducting regular national surveys on public use of and attitudes toward online and traditional news media. The Pew Research Center releases survey data six months after its reports are issued and makes the data available to scholars for research purposes.The dataset used in this study is from the Biennial Media Consumption Survey conducted from April 19 to May 12, 2004.
Sampling was based on standard list-assisted random digital dialing (RDD), ensuring an equal chance for every phone number to be included. The overall sample size is 3,000.
Online news use was measured by asking those who spent time reading news online yesterday this question:
About how much time did you spend reading news online yesterday?
(1) Less than five minutes
(2) Five to less than ten minutes
(3) Ten to less than fifteen minutes
(4) Fifteen to less than twenty minutes
(5) Twenty to less than thirty minutes
(6) Thirty minutes to less than one hour
(7) One hour or more
(8) Don’t know/Refused
Income was measured by pre-tax total family income from all sources. Control variables include gender,age, education, news interest,45 and other news media use.
After analysis H1 and H2 are supported. It suggesting that online news is an inferior good. To move one step further, the analysis explored the relationship between income and print newspaper use whether an increase in income would increase or decrease print newspaper use, other things being equal.
Discussion
This analysis, based on data collected by the Pew Research Center in 2004, identified a negative relationship between income and online news consumption: When income increases, online news use decreases; when income decreases, online news use increases, other things (demographics, news interest, and/or other news media use) being equal—suggesting that online news is an inferior good among users. In contrast, the print newspaper is a normal good.
Such findings, at first glance, may surprise media scholars as well as online news professionals. After all, in communication research, no news products have been labeled as inferior goods before. In addition, major U.S. media companies have invested heavily in their online ventures, offering an array of interactive features and multimedia content—most of which are unattainable by print newspapers. It is therefore difficult to understand why online news could be an inferior good. Yet, from an economic perspective, “goods are what are thought of as goods.” Any product’s economic nature is determined by consumer perception and response. Based on this particular data set, which consists of survey responses collected from a national sample of online news users by a major polling institution in 2004, online news is an inferior good among users.
The finding carries important theoretical and practical implications.
when examining the relationship between traditional and new media offerings, media scholars should take into account the economic nature of individual products. Because many readers use the online and print versions of newspapers simultaneously, a number of scholars conclude that online and print newspapers are complementary goods.
But This study suggests that they complement each other not as two normal goods but as a combination of an inferior good and a normal good.
APPLICATIONS FOR IRAN:
We can apply above method in Iranian society also for answering the question: IS ONLINE NEWS AN INFERIOR GOOD IN IRAN ? At the same time we can try give a answer to a follow-up question: WHAT MAKES ONLINE NEWS AN INFRERION GOOD.
Reference: Nguyen, A. (2003). The current status and potential development of online news consumption: a structural approach. First Monday, 8(9). Retrieved 29 March, 2006 from http://www.firstmonday.org/issues/issue8_9/nguyen/.
Friday, October 8, 2010
Pew Internet & American Life Project : A study on Older Adults and Social Media
The Pew Internet Project
The Pew Internet Project is an initiative of the Pew Research Center, that provides information on the issues, attitudes and trends shaping America and the world. The Project studies the social impact of the internet.
The Project fielded its first survey about the general role of the internet and email in people’s lives in March 2000.
In its early days the Project team decided to focus their work on two strains of research. First the Project would monitor basic online activities: Who was using the internet? What were they doing? Second, the Project would focus research on several dimensions of social life that were not much studied by other firms: How was people’s internet use affecting their families, communities, health care, educational pursuits, civic and political life, and workplace activities?
The Project’s reports are based on nationwide random phone surveys, online surveys, and qualitative research. This data collection is supplemented with research from government agencies, technology firms, academia, and other expert venues. The Project releases 15-20 pieces of research a year, varying in size, scope, and ambition.
A study on Older Adults and Social Media by Pew Internet Project
Introduction: While social media use has grown dramatically across all age groups, older users have been especially enthusiastic over the past year about embracing new networking tools. Social networking use among internet users ages 50 and older nearly doubled—from 22% in April 2009 to 42% in May 2010.
- Between April 2009 and May 2010, social networking use among internet users ages 50-64 grew by 88%--from 25% to 47%.
- During the same period, use among those ages 65 and older grew 100%--from 13% to 26%.
- By comparison, social networking use among users ages 18-29 grew by 13%—from 76% to 86%.
Young adults continue to be the heaviest users of social media, but their growth pales in comparison with recent gains made by older users. Email is still the primary way that older users maintain contact with friends, families and colleagues, but many older users now rely on social network platforms to help manage their daily communications.
- One in five (20%) online adults ages 50-64 say they use social networking sites on a typical day, up from 10% one year ago.
- Among adults ages 65 and older, 13% log on to social networking sites on a typical day, compared with just 4% who did so in 2009.
At the same time, the use of status update services like Twitter has also grown—particularly among those ages 50-64. One in ten internet users ages 50 and older now say they use Twitter or another service to share updates about themselves or see updates about others.
Methodology
All data was collected by telephone interviews between April 29 and May 30, 2010, among a sample of 2,252 adults, age 18 and older. Interviews were conducted in English. A combination of landline and cellular random digit dial (RDD) samples was used to represent all adults in the continental United States who have access to either a landline or cellular telephone. For results based on the total sample, one can say with 95% confidence that the error attributable to sampling and other random effects is plus or minus 2.4 percentage points. For results based Internet users (n=1,756), the margin of sampling error is plus or minus 2.7 percentage points. In addition to sampling error, question wording and practical difficulties in conducting telephone surveys may introduce some error or bias into the findings of opinion polls.
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